To Defeat the Warmongers, the People's Movement Must Build New Political Arrangements

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To Defeat the Warmongers, the People's Movement Must Build New Political Arrangements

Over Ten Thousand Demonstrate at EU Summit

In the wake of the struggle to block to the Anglo-American aggression against both Afghanistan and Iraq and in the light of the clear intention of the warmongers to press ahead with their reactionary "war on terrorism", increasing numbers of anti-war activists are seriously considering what steps are needed to successfully thwart the plans of the warmongers. There is a growing awareness that the anti-war struggle cannot simply be continued in the old way and that a fresh approach is called for.

It is becoming clearer that the present political arrangements and their justifications represent a major block to the people realising their aims. Central to this awareness is the recognition that the present warmongering and colonialist course of the Labour government is not some kind of aberration that results from "Tony Blair hijacking the Labour Party and moving it away from its traditional socialist values". Rather, it is the culmination of the centuries-long practice of British imperialism in striving to secure its economic interests through wars of aggression and colonialist plunder during which numerous crimes against humanity have been committed in every corner of the world.

The "democracy" which has evolved in Britain based on universal adult suffrage and the party-dominated system is presented as the most advanced, democratic political order, within which social justice and individual freedom can be secured through carrying out the necessary political and social reforms. The reality is that, while the struggle to win universal suffrage and have the voice of the workers represented in parliament made headway, the Westminster system of democracy has adapted to keep the people away from decision-making power, the voice of the workers compromised or excluded, and the interests of the rich and economically powerful made paramount politically also. On this basis, the Labour Party developed during the 20th century as an important element in the political arrangements necessary to maintain the status quo. It was the "people's party", the "social reforming party acting on behalf of the poor and vulnerable in Britain" which at the same time strongly defended the brutal colonial rule of the British Empire and the racist justifications for its existence. The Labour Party was a force which stood for the violation of the human rights of millions of people in the colonies, while preaching social justice for the workers and people in Britain. In this way, the party developed into one of the central props of the existing political arrangements, an instrument of colonial rule, a channel for spreading chauvinism and racism among the British workers and a means to keep those workers marginalised and disempowered.

In this role, the Labour Party upheld the colonial theory of the dual mandate, according to which the crimes committed by the British government in the colonies were a necessary part of Britain’s "white man's burden" to "civilise the natives" and to "use for the benefit of the advanced races" the huge reserves of natural resources located in the colonies. The Labour Party presented Britain's shameful and criminal colonial drive as though it were a mission driven by humane and democratic ideals and did its utmost to win wide sections of the working class to this perspective.

It is therefore not surprising that the propaganda and justifications of today's warmongers draw precisely on this legacy and perspective. The speeches of Blair, Hoon, Blunkett, Straw and the others, like their colonialist predecessors, present their current warmongering as though it were motivated by the highest ideals, "the liberation of the Iraqi people", "the lifting of oppression from the backs of the Afghan women" and so on. It is, therefore, clear that the Labour government's present war drive flows not from Tony Blair's "abandonment of socialist values", but from the very nature of the political arrangements in Britain and the Labour Party's place within them. It is also clear that the people's movement will not stop this war drive without making a decisive break from these arrangements.

The fact is that the "Westminster style democracy", with its inbuilt party domination, actually marginalises and disempowers the people, leaving the agenda setting and decision making in the hands of the warmongers and relegating the people to the role of protesters. How can the people end this marginalisation and keep the initiative in their hands? How can they get hold of the decision making power and keep it in their own hands so as to stop the drive to war? How can the disastrous impact of Britain’s colonialist and imperialist legacy be overcome? It is the answers to these fundamental questions that increasing numbers of people are searching for. It has become clear that the very notion of the people’s representatives being accountable to the electorate has been called into contempt. The call simply to "reclaim the Labour Party" when the objective situation is crying out for the working class and people to seize the initiative is having the effect of diverting the people’s movement against war from pressing ahead with its goal of achieving an anti-war government. Today the further advance of the anti-war struggle requires the people to take centre stage and set their own agenda for such a government.

New mechanisms are required where the movement itself can set the agenda, end its role as spectator to events and not have its agenda imposed on it. Today the anti-war movement in Britain has the capacity to organise broad discussions among the people as to how the decision-making power can be won in order to defeat the warmongers. One of the greatest achievements of the work which has been carried out to date is that up and down the country there are numerous groups of activists. The possibility exists for serious discussion as to how the people can empower themselves to unite around a programme to defeat the warmongers.

The important thing is that today people are seriously searching for ways to develop the movement in order to defeat the warmongers. There is a growing realisation that the key to achieve this is to unleash the people's initiative by organising in such a way that the people consciously participate in decision-making at every level.

The demonstrations began on Thursday, June 19, with parallel actions in relation to the work of the Thessaloniki European Council. Two anti-racist rallies moved peacefully through the streets of Thessaloniki trying to send their messages in the context of the discussion on a common European immigration policy.

The central theme of the protests was their opposition to the possibility of a "Fortress Europe". According to the Greek Presidency website, hey tried to express civil society’s desire for a multicultural Europe. The crowds passed through the neighbourhoods of the city which are predominantly inhabited by immigrants calling them to participate in the festivities, in a symbolic gesture trying to embody symbiosis in action.

Regarding the concrete proposals of the social movements to the responsible authorities of the European Union, emphasis was given on their antithesis against the potential growth of policing measures for the protection of the union’s borders. Another focal point was that although the initiation of a common European policy on immigration might be desirable, the particular measures adopted need to be human-centred, since there is a danger that they might involve results different from the ones intended, says the Greek Presidency.

"It is like hot iron, disastrous for people’s interests", remarked Christos Koffas, a secretariat member of the movement "Action: Thessaloniki 2003", describing the essence of the policy to be spelt out by the EU leaders at the Summit meeting.

During the press conference held June 19, the representatives of Action: Thessaloniki 2003 presented the programme of people’s mobilisations which commenced with the activities of the anti-imperialist camping of the KNE (Communist Youth), and culminated on Friday and Saturday with the demonstrations and on Sunday with a Solidarity Concert in Aristotle Square.

More than 70 foreign delegations of parties and youth organisations participated. Christos Koffas also condemned the peculiar climate of fear being cultivated in the city with the moves of the forces of suppression and stressed that the struggle for the defence of individual and social democratic rights and liberties needs to be continued and strengthened.

From Friday night on, the anti-summit of the social movements followed its alternative agenda with the organisation of two main debates on: "Neo-liberal European Integration – The reply of social movements" and "The perpetual war of globalisation and the global resistance of social movements".

The parallel actions to the Thessaloniki European Council continued on Friday, June 20, with rallies taking place near the site that host the Council in Chalkidiki. The demonstrators tried to get as close to the Thessaloniki summit as possible.

The villagers witnessed an incredible spectacle, when some 10,000 demonstrators arrived at the town of Marmara on the Halkidiki peninsula, the location of the EU June summit.

Speeches and red flags dominated one part of the town. But, at the far end street fights occurred, and teargas was used several times.

The activists used 172 buses to get to Marmara from Thessaloniki, the nearest major city. Eleven thousand police officers and a further 4,000 men from the military, the border police and fire brigade were ready to protect the summit, according to the spokesman for the Greek security headquarters.

Demonstrators went through the town in several marches. At the far end of Marmara the road to the summit site was blocked by police with concrete blocks and a police coach on a small bridge.

A minor group of demonstrators tried to break through the blockade but were forced back towards the town by teargas. On the way demonstrators threw things at the police, who responded with more teargas. Three police officers and three activists were lightly injured, according to the spokesman. No one was arrested.

The demonstration was arranged by "Action Salonika 2003", who, according to the organisation's website, wished to express its protest against the EU, NATO and the US. It considers EU policies as reactionary and is ready to fight the monopoly of capital and its institutions as well as the governments, who serve its interests.

A trade-unions' meeting of the "All Workers´ Militant Front" (PAME) and of "World Federation of Trade Unions" (WFTU). Took place on Friday evening in the Trade Unions' Centre of Thessaloniki

Further activities, as well as a major international demonstration, took place on Saturday in the city of Thessaloniki. An International Meeting of parties and movements on the subject: "We continue the struggle against the imperialist institutions, for a Europe without wars, poverty and oppression" was held on that day.

On Sunday, an international concert of solidarity with the people of Cuba, Palestine, Syria, Iraq and the DPR of Korea was held.

At least 22 people who were arrested and accused of minor charges were released. However, due to the mainstream media hype and political pressure in Greece, all remaining minor accusations were changed into major offences, with charges constantly changing.

According to reports, all prisoners have been tortured in jail, all of them were beaten up, and some had parts of their hair pulled out. One person was treated in hospital because of a leg injury, all others were not allowed to see a doctor, although rips of one person have been broken.

At the Courthouse in Thessaloniki there was a solidarity demonstration for the arrested activists. Reports say there were over one hundred arrests Saturday, of whom at least 25 will appear in front of a magistrate. However, this appointment was postponed for several activists. Currently, there are still twenty to thirty five people in jail linked to Saturday's events, all others have been released. The demo at the Court got surrounded. Heavy police attacks and violence...

First solidarity actions for the prisoners have been taking place, such as the occupation of the Greek embassy in Berlin, a solidarity demonstration in Graz, Austria and an anti-repression demonstration in Milan. More solidarity actions in Berlin, Barcelona, Graz and elsewhere are announced and called for.

Already, on Monday, the legal team has issued an urgent call and momentarily still continues to search for witnesses, film and photo material to prove that the police assignees self-produced, fake evidence to the accused. The other eight activists, accused of major offences, will be brought in front of the magistrate on Wednesday. Amongst them are four internationals, one Briton, one Spanish and one Syrian, who awaits the death penalty if deported to Syria. All the other four activists are Greek.

After Saturday's siege at the university, people could finally walk in and out since the early hours of Sunday, and police, both riot and plain clothes, left the area. People in the building earlier in the night gathered for a meeting and prepared this statement in solidarity with the prisoners.

This building was used for an Independent Media Centre (IMC), the radio station and the medical teams. They made a video to show no damage had been done to the building. At noon local time, the occupation was ended peacefully.