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Bill Rammells Visit to DPRK:
Workers' Daily Internet Edition: Article Index :
Bill Rammells Visit to DPRK:
The Double Standards of the British Government An
Exercise in Disinformation
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Bill Rammells Visit to DPRK:
Foreign Office Minister Bill Rammell led a government delegation in a three-day visit to the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK) earlier this month. It follows the positive step of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries which the DPRK had done so much to facilitate, the opening of the DPRK Embassy in London over a year ago, and the unofficial visit of the Vice-Foreign Minister of the DPRK to Britain a few months ago.
This was a significant opportunity to strengthen friendly relations between Britain and the DPRK, an occasion in which to exchange views and for each side to deepen the understanding of the other. It was especially important in the context of the hostile stance and accusations which in particular the US has levelled at the DPRK, and the aggressive military manoeuvres which the US is stepping up against the DPRK and its presence on the Korean Peninsula which is aimed to keep Korea divided and hinder its reunification. In particular, it was an opportunity for the British delegation to ascertain for itself the truth regarding the so-called "nuclear issue", that is, the nuclear programme which the DPRK has been forced to take up in response to the doctrine of pre-emptive nuclear strike which the US has declared that it holds.
It is apparent that while the DPRK side entered into discussions in good faith, Bill Rammell came with a patronising and colonialist agenda of "constructive engagement". Not only that, but while appearing to reach some understanding of the North Korean position and continue dialogue and co-operation, he kept all the old British prejudices of anti-communism and of a superior people meeting an inferior, merely putting on a front of dialogue.
Having returned to Britain, Bill Rammell immediately published a most scurrilous and appalling article in the Guardian which not only reveals the contemptible imperialist logic of the Foreign Offices position, but also counts as a betrayal of the openness and honesty shown by the DPRK in their willingness to discuss matters over which the British FO showed concern.
In the article, Bill Rammell refers to the possibility of an accusation of double standards in that Britain has gone to war against Iraq while engaging in discussion with the DPRK. Any democratic person will find this laughable, since not going to war with the DPRK is hardly the double standards that the government is accused of being guilty of. The double standards are that while professing to be the most "progressive", the most "democratic", the most representative of the "international community", the British government is actually acting in the uncivilised, reactionary, aggressive and dictatorial way in its dealings with and intervention in sovereign nations around the world. "Constructive engagement" here, aggression and intervention there, and blackmail, subversion and pressure elsewhere are but different manifestations of the same arrogant and imperialist standard of the British government and the big monopolies and financial institutions which it represents.
WDIE condemns the government for its outrageous behaviour, and calls on the British working class and people to step up their efforts to break with and settle scores with such arrogance and interference, and to stand shoulder to shoulder with the Korean people in their just cause.
For your information we are reproducing herewith the report of the Korean Central News Agency on the Foreign Office delegations visit, together with Bill Rammells Guardian article.
A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry gave the following answer to a question put by KCNA today as regards the DPRK visit of the delegation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland: The delegation led by Bill Rammell, deputy secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, visited the DPRK from September 11 to 14 at the invitation of the DPRK Foreign Ministry. During its stay the delegation had contacts and meetings with the DPRK side at various levels at which they had an in-depth exchange of views on the issue of bilateral relations, the nuclear issue, the human rights issue and other issues of mutual concern.
There surfaced some differences at the talks but both sides had an exhaustive discussion on the issues taken up and reached certain understanding.
The British side admitted that there was some reason in the DPRK's stand on the nuclear issue, the human rights issue, etc.
Concerning the six-party talks the DPRK side said that its stand is to consistently pursue the talks but the USs ever more undisguised hostile policy toward the DPRK and the recent disclosure of a series of secret nuclear experiments in south Korea, in particular, have thrown great hurdles in their way. It, therefore, clarified its stand that it can never sit at the table to negotiate its nuclear weapon programme unless the truth about the secret nuclear experiments in south Korea is fully probed.
As regards the rumour that the DPRK links the settlement of the nuclear issue to the presidential election in the US, the DPRK side clarified the stand that it does not care who becomes US president and that it considers the US policy towards the DPRK as the only yardstick.
In other words, whoever is willing to renounce the hostile policy towards the DPRK and coexist with it can surely seek a negotiated solution to the nuclear issue.
Though there were differences between the two sides, the recent DPRK visit of the British foreign office delegation could be described on the whole as a very fruitful and successful one.
Both sides agreed to continue dialogue and cooperation.
However, what the delegation said about the results of the visit upon its return home makes us feel that it was not honest.
Moreover, it is very strange that the delegation has uttered no word about south Korea's secret nuclear experiments, a focus of world attention.
Perhaps, it did so as this is a matter related to an "ally" of the United States.
Whatever the reason, it is by no means normal for Britain to turn aside from the clandestine experiments, which created quite a stir worldwide, as it is so interested in the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula.
There was another matter clarified. During the British delegation's stay in the DPRK, some media spread a false report that the recent big blasting in a power station construction site in the northern part of the DPRK was an "explosion accident" and a "nuclear test". In this connection, the British side hoped that an on-field inspection of the site would be arranged for the diplomatic corps here, and the DPRK side met this request with pleasure out of good faith.
-- Pyongyang, September 16 (KCNA) --
Article for the Guardian by Foreign Office Minister Bill Rammell, 16 September 2004
This week I became the first British government minister to visit North Korea. It is a country more cut off than any other, one that harbours nuclear ambitions, and one that, arguably, has the worst human rights record.
I went there because the regime had agreed to discuss human rights and the nuclear question, the two preconditions that had blocked previous ministerial visits. Whether and when to engage with a state such as Kim Jong-il's is a judgment progressive governments like ours constantly have to make.
We believe now is the right time to make this move. If we cannot convince North Korea to shift its position, then the future of the country, its people and the wider world will be much bleaker. I do not underestimate how difficult it will be, but we have to try.
On the nuclear issue we're rightly not acting on our own: China, Russia, the US, Japan and South Korea are also trying to engage through the six-party talks. The EU is pressing, too. We have to work at this together. Two years ago North Korea admitted it had been developing a highly enriched uranium programme to develop nuclear capability, in contravention of its previous commitments not to do so.
If North Korea has nuclear weapons then others will feel compelled to replicate this capability, and the world will become more dangerous. I believe terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons are the biggest threat to our civilisation.
The talks are aimed at getting North Korea to dismantle its nuclear capability. Last weekend I urged the North Korean government to commit to the next round of talks. I said that if it did renounce nuclear weapons, then the international community was prepared to respond with security guarantees and aid. I argued that North Korea could, and should, follow Libya's example.
The allegations of human rights abuses are shocking: forced labour camps, torture, and families murdered to test chemical gases. North Korean ministers admitted to me that they attach a much lower priority to human rights than we do. And they admitted the existence of 're-education through labour' camps.
I told my counterpart that we would far rather discuss our human rights disagreements with them than simply run condemnatory resolutions at the UN commission on human rights. But for such a dialogue to take place we need the UN special rapporteur for North Korea to be allowed access to the country. The government did not reject this out of hand. We agreed to meet again next week at the UN general assembly.
I regard this as modest progress, as is the fact that North Korea is discussing our concerns with us for the first time. In the past it has refused to do so. But we need more.
The country needs to commit itself to renouncing nuclear weapons; it needs to move towards respect for human rights. That is not western conceit on my part; rather, it stems from a fundamental belief in the universality of human rights.
Some will accuse us of double standards. We went to war with Iraq if that was justified, why not North Korea? I believe the two situations are different. For 12 years in Iraq we sought a diplomatic solution. We are now rightly seeking a diplomatic solution in North Korea. We want a just and peaceful resolution of our differences. The country must understand the strength of our concerns and that we are not alone in holding them. I do not know of any democratic government that is not concerned about North Korea.
We have to tackle the threat from North Korea. But given its agreement to talk albeit belatedly and hesitantly I believe we are right to engage constructively with the government. This is the start of a long process to pull it back from complete isolation. The strategy is right. It makes sense to act now.