DPRK's Stand at Six-Party Talks A Contribution to Peace and Security in East Asia

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DPRK's Stand at Six-Party Talks A Contribution to Peace and Security in East Asia

Consistent Stand of DPRK Contributing to Peace and Security

Chairman's Statement of the Third Session of the Fifth Round of Six-Party Talks

DPRK Invites IAEA Head for Talks

Hopeful Signs for Peace in Korea

MPs Table Motion Welcoming Outcome of Six-Party Talks

Supplement:
Historical and Political Context of the Nuclear Issue on the Korean Peninsula

The Third Session of the Fifth Round of Six-Party Talks between China, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), the Republic of Korea, Japan, Russia and the United States, concluded with an agreement in Beijing on February 13 after six days. Western media reports expressed relief that the US was engaging in diplomacy with the DPRK rather than threatening a pre-emptive (nuclear) strike. But these same media also suggested that the DPRK had been engaging the world community in nuclear blackmail to get concessions. Both suggestions are misleading and aimed at continuing to isolate the DPRK while exonerating the US from blame as the cause of instability in Asia and as the country which actually poses the nuclear threat.

            The fact is that it is the principled stand of the DPRK which forced the US to the negotiating table in the first place. At their conclusion, the talks resulted in a joint document. This is a positive development for the people of Korea, the peoples of East Asia and of the entire world. All peace and justice loving people must demand that this time the US is not allowed to do anything to sabotage the provisions of the joint document.

            The DPRK must be applauded for participating in the Six Party talks despite every effort by the US and its main ally in East Asia, Japan, to sabotage them by spreading disinformation about the DPRK. It has been seeking every pretext to justify a war on the Korean peninsula so as to keep it under US imperialist control at all costs as part of controlling East Asia and bringing the whole world under its dictate. In Japan, the government has increased racist attacks against the Korean people living in Japan and has sought to criminalise the Chongryon – the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, the main defence organisation of the million Korean people living in Japan. It is despite these provocations that the DPRK has participated in the talks with the aim of finding a peaceful solution to the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula.

            The Labour government of Tony Blair has been extremely hostile to the DPRK in these circumstances, denigrating the stand of the DPRK, and joining in the provocations of the US administration against it. For their part, the British working class and people have the responsibility to contribute to ensuring that neither Britain nor the US, Japan or any other force negate the gains that have been made.

            The working class and people are the natural allies of the Korean people in their determined struggle against the hostile actions and intent of Anglo-American imperialism and in their aspirations to achieve the peaceful, independent reunification of their nation. WDIE calls on the working class and people to demand an end to the US military occupation of south Korea, and an end to the threats of war and nuclear blackmail against the DPRK which have the potential to ignite a catastrophic nuclear world war in East Asia. We demand that our own government end its hostile attitude to the DPRK and stop its unfounded slanders which it has insisted on persisting with despite every act of goodwill on behalf of the DPRK government and people.

 

In the second week of November, Choe Thae Bok, chairman of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK, led the delegation of the DPRK to the 7th Assembly of the Association of Asian Parliaments for Peace held in Iran. In a speech to its plenary meeting on November 13 he called on the parliamentarians representing the voices of the Asian people "to thoroughly reject the moves of the hegemonic forces to stamp out the history, culture and tradition of Asia, place the common denominators above their differences and demonstrate the united strength of the region in one voice in the international arena under the slogan of solidarity, peace and justice of Asia".

            He added that the struggle of the Korean people to achieve the reunification and denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula is now facing a grave challenge. The Bush administration, in particular, openly listed the DPRK as part of an "axis of evil" and a target of pre-emptive nuclear attack and has since escalated the threat and pressure upon the DPRK such as staging nuclear war exercises and imposing financial sanctions against it, bringing to light an attempt to bring down its social system, Choe said.

            Addressing the DPRK's nuclear test, Choe explained: "Under the extremely tense situation where the supreme interests and security of the DPRK were seriously threatened the DPRK successfully conducted on October 9 an underground nuclear test under secure conditions as an exercise of its sovereign right to self-defence to cope with the US nuclear threat, sanctions and pressure.

            "The DPRK will surely force the Bush administration to shoulder its historic responsibility for having torpedoed the process of denuclearising the Korean Peninsula.

            "The DPRK remains unchanged in its stand to peacefully realise the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula through dialogue and negotiation though it was compelled to conduct the nuclear test by the US.

            "As the DPRK has already clarified, its nuclear weapons are a war deterrent for self-defence to cope with the US nuclear threat and sanctions which have reached an extreme phase and it will feel no need to keep even a single nuke if the US ceases its nuclear threat and sanctions against the DPRK in a verifiable and trustworthy manner. Availing ourselves of this opportunity, we express thanks to the Asian people who sent support and solidarity to our people in their struggle for the peace, reunification and denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula and believe that the invariable will of the DPRK for the denuclearisation and the independent option of its people to protect the supreme interests of the state will receive well-deserved respect.

            "We will as always unite closely with the Asian people and make a positive contribution to peace, security, independent development and prosperity of Asia."

 

February 13, 2007

The Third Session of the Fifth Round of the Six-Party Talks was held in Beijing with the People's Republic of China (PRC), the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), Japan, the Republic of Korea (ROK), the Russian Federation and the United States of America from February 8 to 13, 2007.

Mr Wu Dawei, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, Mr Kim Gye Gwan, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DPRK; Mr Kenichiro Sasae, Director-General for Asian and Oceanian Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan; Mr Chun Yung-woo, Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs of the ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade; Mr Alexander Losyukov, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation; and Mr Christopher Hill, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs of the Department of State of the United States attended the talks as heads of their respective delegations.

Vice Foreign Minister Wu Dawei chaired the talks.

I. The Parties held serious and productive discussions on the actions each party will take in the initial phase for the implementation of the Joint Statement of 19 September 2005. The Parties reaffirmed their common goal and will to achieve early denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful manner and reiterated that they would earnestly fulfill their commitments in the Joint Statement. The Parties agreed to take coordinated steps to implement the Joint Statement in a phased manner in line with the principle of 'action for action'.

II. The Parties agreed to take the following actions in parallel in the initial phase:

1. The DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of Korea; North Korea] will shut down and seal for the purpose of eventual abandonment the Yongbyon nuclear facility, including the reprocessing facility and invite back IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency] personnel to conduct all necessary monitoring and verifications as agreed between IAEA and the DPRK.

2. The DPRK will discuss with other parties a list of all its nuclear programs as described in the Joint Statement, including plutonium extracted from used fuel rods, that would be abandoned pursuant to the Joint Statement.

3. The DPRK and the US will start bilateral talks aimed at resolving pending bilateral issues and moving toward full diplomatic relations. The US will begin the process of removing the designation of the DPRK as a state-sponsor of terrorism and advance the process of terminating the application of the Trading with the Enemy Act with respect to the DPRK.

4. The DPRK and Japan will start bilateral talks aimed at taking steps to normalize their relations in accordance with the Pyongyang Declaration, on the basis of the settlement of unfortunate past and the outstanding issues of concern.

5. Recalling Section 1 and 3 of the Joint Statement of 19 September 2005, the Parties agreed to cooperate in economic, energy and humanitarian assistance to the DPRK. In this regard, the Parties agreed to the provision of emergency energy assistance to the DPRK in the initial phase. The initial shipment of emergency energy assistance equivalent to 50,000 tons of heavy fuel oil (HFO) will commence within next 60 days.

The Parties agreed that the above-mentioned initial actions will be implemented within next 60 days and that they will take coordinated steps toward this goal.

III. The Parties agreed on the establishment of the following Working Groups (WG) in order to carry out the initial actions and for the purpose of full implementation of the Joint Statement:

1. Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula

2. Normalization of DPRK-US relations

3. Normalization of DPRK-Japan relations

4. Economy and Energy Cooperation

5. Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism

The WGs will discuss and formulate specific plans for the implementation of the Joint Statement in their respective areas. The WGs shall report to the Six-Party Heads of Delegation Meeting on the progress of their work. In principle, progress in one WG shall not affect progress in other WGs. Plans made by the five WGs will be implemented as a whole in a coordinated manner.

The Parties agreed that all WGs will meet within next 30 days.

IV. During the period of the Initial Actions phase and the next phase -- which includes provision by the DPRK of a complete declaration of all nuclear programs and disablement of all existing nuclear facilities, including graphite-moderated reactors and reprocessing plant -- economic, energy and humanitarian assistance up to the equivalent of 1 million tons of heavy fuel oil (HFO), including the initial shipment equivalent to 50,000 tons of HFO, will be provided to the DPRK.

The detailed modalities of the said assistance will be determined through consultations and appropriate assessments in the Working Group on Economic and Energy Cooperation.

V. Once the initial actions are implemented, the Six Parties will promptly hold a ministerial meeting to confirm implementation of the Joint Statement and explore ways and means for promoting security cooperation in Northeast Asia.

VI. The Parties reaffirmed that they will take positive steps to increase mutual trust, and will make joint efforts for lasting peace and stability in Northeast Asia. The directly related parties will negotiate a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula at an appropriate separate forum.

VII. The Parties agreed to hold the Sixth Round of the Six-Party Talks on 19 March 2007 to hear reports of WGs and discuss on actions for the next phase.

According to UN reports, the DPRK has invited the head of the UN International Atomic Energy Agency to visit for talks in March.

            “I see this as a step toward the denuclearisation of the North Korean Peninsular,” IAEA Director-General Mohamed ElBaradei told reporters of the invitation, which follows six-party talks in Beijing.

            UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, on an official visit to Vienna, Austria, where the IAEA is headquartered, welcomed the move, saying he hoped that Mr ElBaradei would be able to discuss with the DPRK authorities detailed matters, such as freezing its nuclear facilities and the eventual dismantlement of all nuclear weapons and facilities.

Keith Bennett *

Hopes have risen again for a peaceful solution to the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula following a landmark agreement reached at the Six Party talks in the Chinese capital Beijing on February 13.

            According to the agreement, signed by representatives of North and South Korea, the United States, China, Russia and Japan, the DPRK (North Korea) will “shut down and seal for the purpose of eventual abandonment the Yongbyon nuclear facility, including the reprocessing facility, and invite back IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) personnel to conduct all necessary monitoring and verifications”.

            The DPRK further commits to discuss with the other parties a list of all its nuclear programmes.

            In exchange for this, the DPRK and the US will start bilateral talks aimed at moving towards the establishment of full diplomatic relations. The US will also move towards taking the DPRK off its notorious list of “terrorist states”, as well to stop applying the Trading with the Enemy Act, under which Washington has imposed crippling sanctions on Pyongyang for decades.

            A similar diplomatic process will take place with Japan.

            As North Korea takes steps to dismantle its nuclear programme, the other parties have agreed to provide the country with economic, energy and humanitarian assistance up to the equivalent of one million tons of heavy fuel oil, with an initial shipment equivalent to 50,000 tons.

            The parties agreed to meet again on March 19 to review progress and to discuss the next steps in the regional peace process.

            It was separately agreed that representatives of the United States and the DPRK would meet within 30 days to resolve the problem of banking sanctions imposed by the US on DPRK financial institutions and international banks doing business with them.

            The Bush administration had for long refused to engage in serious negotiations with the DPRK. It ripped up a series of previous agreements reached by the Clinton administration and labelled the country part of the “axis of evil”.

            Following intensive diplomatic efforts by China and others, a previous agreement was reached in the six party talks in September 2005. But that agreement was promptly sabotaged by the Bush administration, which imposed sanctions on a bank in the autonomous Chinese territory of Macao that had been handling much of North Korea’s foreign trade.

            With the talks process deadlocked as a result, North Korea pressed ahead with its nuclear programme, carrying out a series of missile launches and finally a small nuclear test last October.

            The response by the United States and Japan was to go to the United Nations, pressing for the imposition of swingeing and punitive sanctions against Pyongyang, possibly as a prelude to military action.

            This objective was effectively frustrated by skilful diplomacy on the part of China and Russia, who made it clear that excessively punitive sanctions would be vetoed, and explicitly refused any hint of the use of armed force, whilst consenting to the imposition of limited sanctions, thereby safeguarding a multilateral and diplomatic approach to the problem and restraining the United States from recklessly escalating the crisis and going outside the framework of international law to assemble another “coalition of the willing” with such countries as Japan, Australia and Britain.

            All this was a considerable blow to the die-hard neo-conservative forces, whose proponents, such as John Bolton, then still the US Ambassador to the UN, made little attempt to conceal their frustration.

            The present agreement therefore represents a considerable setback to the efforts by the United States to escalate tension in the region and to isolate and threaten North Korea. It represents a vindication both of North Korea’s determination to stand up in defence of its dignity and of the determination of China, Russia and South Korea to pursue a peaceful, diplomatic solution.

            It has been broadly welcomed in the international community.

            The South African Foreign Minister said that the agreement is a step in the right direction, which will contribute substantially to the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula and making the world a safer place.

            Russia said that it would give a renewed impetus towards ensuring the ultimate goal of “the Korean Peninsula's nuclear-free status and to create conditions for strengthening peace and security in Northeast Asia and developing comprehensive cooperation between all states in the region”.

            The Irish Foreign Minister expressed the hope that that “all sides can maintain the same commitment to the peaceful resolution of all outstanding issues in future talks”.

            The new agreement can be said to represent a certain advance on that reached in September 2005. The problem with the latter was that, whilst it addressed all the major issues of contention, it did so more in the sense of a series of aspirations, without addressing questions of how and when each side should meet its commitments. In a situation characterised by mutual hostility and distrust, this was a significant weakness. Now, there is at least a rudimentary mechanism for the first phase of the process and agreement on ways to discuss the next steps.

            But, as welcome as all this is, it is still too early for peace campaigners to relax. There remain many difficult and complex issues to resolve. The Bush administration previously ripped up agreements reached with the DPRK by the Clinton administration in 1994 and 2000.

            Already, John Bolton, only reluctantly removed by Bush as his UN Ambassador under pressure from the Democrats, has strongly attacked the deal, saying:

            “It sends exactly the wrong signal to would-be proliferators around the world. [It says] ‘if we hold out long enough, wear down the State Department negotiators, eventually you get rewarded,’ in this case with massive shipments of heavy fuel oil for doing only partially what needs to be done.”

            A similar negative reaction has come from Japan, whose right wing government has been busy talking down the deal and insisting that it will not meet its agreed share of the assistance to be provided to Pyongyang.

            It is surely a sign of the crisis and disintegration facing the neo-conservative project that Bush promptly rounded on one-time favoured son Bolton, saying, “the assessment made by some that this is not a good deal is flat wrong”. This from a man who has spent most of his presidency refusing to talk to North Korea!

            In a prompt response, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) said that the deal showed that “significant results can be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy. We encourage all sides to continue these negotiations in good faith and work tirelessly toward the ultimate goal of a nuclear-free Korean peninsula.”

            With increasing signs that the United States, backed by Britain, is preparing to unleash an act of aggression against Iran, the progress made in the Beijing talks should underline the fact that even the most difficult and long-standing problems can be resolved on the basis of diplomacy and peaceful negotiations if there is the political will.

            Equally, government ministers have sought to justify the planned replacement of Trident by reference to the nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea. This argument, which was always ridiculous, is now also threadbare. If North Korea can move towards honouring the terms of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), then so can Britain.

           

·         An edited version of this article first appeared in the Morning Star on February 19. Keith Bennett is a commentator on East Asian affairs and represents Labour CND on the CND National Council.

The following Early Day Motion (EDM 908) was tabled by Labour MP Linda Riordan on February 20. It has so far been signed by well over 20 MPs, including John McDonnell, Robert Wareing and Jeremy Corbyn.

SIX PARTY TALKS ON KOREAN NUCLEAR ISSUE

That this House welcomes the agreement reached at the six party talks on the Korean nuclear issue in Beijing, in which North Korea has agreed to freeze its nuclear facility and accept International Atomic Energy Agency inspections in exchange for emergency energy assistance and steps towards the normalisation of relations with the United States and Japan; views this as a valuable first step towards the complete denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula and the establishment of lasting peace and security in the region; calls for all parties to continue the negotiations in good faith; and calls on the UK Government to use its good offices to encourage all parties to the agreement to honour their commitments and advance the peace process.

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