Hail African Liberation Day!

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Hail African Liberation Day!

We Fought Apartheid; We See No Reason to Celebrate It in Israel Now!

Myanmar: US Hostility Hampers Relief

May 25 is African Liberation Day, a day when the people of Africa and of African descent celebrate the victories won in their struggles against colonialism and for independence, and pledge to strengthen their unity in the struggle against all exploitation and for the complete liberation of the African continent. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the first African Liberation Day held in 1958, at that time called African Freedom Day. It was held at a time when the majority of African countries were still languishing under savage colonial rule. Its aim was each year to mark "the onward progress of the liberation movement, and to symbolise the determination of the people of Africa to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation".

It cannot be denied that in the last 50 years the peoples of Africa have made great strides in their struggles to liberate the continent and to counter the entire legacy of colonial rule and the enslavement of Africa’s peoples and resources. European colonial rule of the old type has been defeated by the masses of the people taking their destiny in their own hands. The racist regimes of South Africa, Rhodesia and other countries, that like the hitlerites boasted that they would endure for a thousand years, and were backed by the governments of Britain and the other big powers, have been swept away. Great sacrifices have been made in this context, and so many have given their lives so that Africans themselves could be sovereign in their own land and determine their own future. In the course of these many struggles, the people of Africa have learned from experience that they are themselves the most decisive force in their own liberation, while at the same time recognising that their struggles are part of, and linked to, the struggle of all humanity for emancipation and empowerment.

As we mark the 50th anniversary of the first African Liberation Day, it is clear that there are still many obstacles in the path of the complete and total liberation of the African continent. The British, US and other governments are demanding even more "trade liberalisation" and today, as in the past, there is an openly acknowledged "scramble" for the resources of the African continent, especially for oil, gas and minerals, involving all the big powers. Foreign direct investment in Africa is at an all time high and over 50% of this is to secure oil supplies. Africa is also one of the world’s most important suppliers of gold and diamonds. The DR of the Congo has over 22% of the world’s industrial diamonds. Indeed it is rich in copper, cobalt and many other minerals and yet remains one of the world’s poorest countries, ravaged by conflicts instigated by external forces. The demand for Africa’s resources has been accompanied by attempts at increasing military intervention and interference too, such as the US imperialist’s Africa Command (Africom), as well as continued attempts to keep the economies and political systems of Africa under the control of the big powers through demands that all bow down to the Eurocentric notion of so-called universal values.

As in the past, when the imperialists of Britain declared that Africa had no history and did their utmost to mask both the history and achievements of Africa and its peoples, so today too an immense campaign of disinformation and propaganda has been unleashed to justify a new colonialism under the guise of concern for "failed and failing states" and the "responsibility to protect" that allegedly lies with the big powers, just as the "white man’s burden" did in the past. It is in this context that attempts are being made denigrate the anti-colonial struggles of the African peoples, to whitewash the crimes of colonial rule and to mask the fact that the cause of the problems confronting the African continent today remains global capitalism and the machinations of the big powers.

In the face of these growing attacks on their continent and its resources, the peoples of Africa are refusing to submit to monopoly dictate and, often in very difficult and complicated circumstances, are endeavouring to determine their own future, strengthen their unity, and to march forward on their own path of development. It is the duty of the working class and people of Britain, and is in their interest, to step up their own struggles against the British government and monopolies which today just as in the past are guilty of great crimes against Africa and its peoples. There can be no illusions about the ‘humanitarian concern" of the British government. Its colonial arrogance, for instance in regard to Zimbabwe and other African countries, must be totally condemned. What is required is the stepping up the struggles of the workers and the peoples of Britain to empower themselves, as part of the worldwide struggle for the liberation of all.

Salute to the African peoples! Hail African Liberation Day!

17 May 2008

We, South Africans who faced the might of unjust and brutal apartheid machinery in South Africa and fought against it with all our strength, with the objective to live in a just, democratic society, refuse today to celebrate the existence of an Apartheid state in the Middle East.

While Israel and its apologists around the world will, with pomp and ceremony, loudly proclaim the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the state of Israel this month, we who have lived with and struggled against oppression and colonialism will, instead, remember 6 decades of catastrophe for the Palestinian people. 60 years ago, 750,000 Palestinians were brutally expelled from their homeland, suffering persecution, massacres, and torture. They and their descendants remain refugees. This is no reason to celebrate.

When we think of the Sharpeville massacre of 1960, we also remember the Deir Yassin massacre of 1948.

When we think of South Africa's Bantustan policy, we remember the bantustanisation of Palestine by the Israelis.

When we think of our heroes who languished on Robben Island and elsewhere, we remember the 11,000 Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli jails.

When we think of the massive land theft perpetrated against the people of South Africa, we remember that the theft of Palestinian land continues with the building of illegal Israeli settlements and the Apartheid Wall.

When we think of the Group Areas Act and other such apartheid legislation, we remember that 93% of the land in Israel is reserved for Jewish use only.

When we think of Black people being systematically dispossessed in South Africa, we remember that Israel uses ethnic and racial dispossession to strike at the heart of Palestinian life.

When we think of how the SADF troops persecuted our people in the townships, we remember that attacks from tanks, fighter jets and helicopter gunships are the daily experience of Palestinians in the Occupied Territory.

When we think of the SADF attacks against our neighbouring states, we remember that Israel deliberately destabilises the Middle East region and threatens international peace and security, including with its 100s of nuclear warheads.

We who have fought against Apartheid and vowed not to allow it to happen again cannot allow Israel to continue perpetrating apartheid, colonialism and occupation against the indigenous people of Palestine.

We dare not allow Israel to continue violating international law with impunity.

We will not stand by while Israel continues to starve and bomb the people of Gaza.

We who fought all our lives for South Africa to be a state for all its people demand that millions of Palestinian refugees must be accorded the right to return to the homes from where they were expelled.

Apartheid was a gross violation of human rights. It was so in South Africa and it is so with regard to Israel's persecution of the Palestinians!

- Ronnie Kasrils, Minister of Intelligence / End Occupation Campaign
- Blade Nzimande, General Secretary, South African Communist Party
- Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary, Congress of South African Trade Unions
- Ahmed Kathrada, Nelson Mandela Foundation
- Eddie Makue, General Secretary, South African Council of Churches
- Makoma Lekalakala, Social Movements Indaba
- Dale McKinley, Anti-Privatisation Forum
- Lybon Mabasa, President, Socialist Party of Azania
- Costa Gazi, Pan Africanist Congress of Azania
- Jeremy Cronin, South African Communist Party
- Sydney Mufamadi, Minister of Provincial and Local Government
- Mosioua Terror Lekota, Minister of Safety and Security
- Mosibudi Mangena, President, Azanian Peoples Organisation / Minister of Science and Technology
- Alec Erwin, Minister of Public Enterprises
- Essop Pahad, Minister in the Presidency
- Enver Surty, Deputy Minister of Education
- Roy Padayache, Deputy Minister of Communications
- Derek Hanekom, Deputy Minister of Science and Technology
- Rob Davies, Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry
- Lorretta Jacobus, Deputy Minister of Correctional Services
- Sam Ramsamy, International Olympic Committee
- Yasmin Sooka, Executive Director, Foundation for Human Rights
- Pregs Govender, Feminist Activist and Author: Love and Courage, A Story of Insubordination
- Adam Habib, Deputy Vice-Chancellor, University of Johannesburg
- Frene Ginwala, African National Congress
- Salim Vally, Palestine Solidarity Committee
- Na'eem Jeenah, Palestine Solidarity Committee
- Brian Ashley, Amandla Publications
- Mercia Andrews, Palestine Solidarity Group
- Andile Mngxitama, land rights activist
- Farid Esack, Professor of Contemporary Islam, Harvard University
- Elinor Sisulu, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
- Andre Zaaiman
- Virginia Setshedi, Coalition Against Water Privatisation
- Max Ozinsky, Not in my Name
- Revd Basil Manning, Minister, United Congregational Church of Southern Africa
- Firoz Osman, Media Review Network
- Zapiro, cartoonist
- Mphutlane wa Bofelo, General Secretary, Muslim Youth Movement
- Steven Friedman, academic
- Ighsaan Hendricks, President, Muslim Judicial Council
- Iqbal Jassat, Media Review Network
- Stiaan van der Merwe, Palestine Solidarity Committee
- Naaziem Adam, Palestine Solidarity Alliance
- Asha Moodley, Board member of Agenda feminist journal
- Suraya Bibi Khan, Palestine Solidarity Alliance
- Nazir Osman, Palestine Solidarity Alliance
- Allan Horwitz, Jewish Voices
- Jackie Dugard, legal and human rights activist
- Professor Alan and Beata Lipman
- Caroline O'Reilly, researcher
- Jane Lipman
- Shereen Mills, Human rights lawyer, Centre for Applied Legal Studies
- Noor Nieftagodien, University of the Witwatersrand
- Bobby Peek, Groundworks
- Arnold Tsunga, Chair, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
- Mcebisi Skwatsha, Provincial Secretary, ANC Western Cape
- Owen Manda, Centre for Sociological Research, University of Johannesburg
- Claire Cerruti, Keep Left

NB: Organisational affiliations above are for identification purposes only and do not necessarily reflect organisational endorsement.

Organisational endorsements:

- African National Congress
- Al Quds Foundation
- Anti-Privatisation Forum and its 28 affiliates
- Azanian Peoples Organisation
- Congress of South African Trade Unions
- Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
- End Occupation Campaign
- Groundworks
- Media Review Network
- Muslim Judicial Council
- Muslim Youth Movement of South Africa
- Not In My Name
- Palestine Solidarity Alliance
- Palestine Solidarity Committee
- Palestine Solidarity Group
- Social Movements Indaba
- Socialist Party of Azania
- South African Communist Party
- South African Council of Churches

Sara Flounders, Workers World, May 16, 2008

Is the Bush administration really trying to help the people of Myanmar recover from the natural disaster that struck there? Then why is it insisting that the Pentagon be in charge of its aid? And why did it impose sanctions on the country when it knew the cyclone was about to hit?

One of the severest storms of the century slammed into the low-lying, densely farmed Irrawaddy Delta of Myanmar on the Gulf of Bengal on May 2. It is a fertile but underdeveloped region, especially susceptible to flooding. The Delta is home to one fourth of Myanmar’s 57 million people. The last tropical cyclone to make coastal landfall was 40 years ago.

Meteorologists had been following Tropical Cyclone Nargis for a week. But when the cyclone hit land it brought with it an unpredicted tidal wave of epic proportions. A wall of water 12 feet high surged seven miles inland.

Over a million people have been left homeless and tens of thousands are missing. The estimates of deaths range from 20,000 to 100,000. Yangon, the former capital and major commercial port city, was left in shambles.

The US corporate media are full of stories on the scale of the disaster and the inability of the government to cope with the relief effort. Completely omitted is any mention of the US government’s own abysmal track record in providing disaster relief.

Each news article repeats the demand that Washington be given full military access to Myanmar to deliver emergency supplies. There is outrage and shock that Myanmar will not permit US military planes to land or Navy ships to dock. The charge that the Myanmar government cannot possibly be trusted to deliver the supplies is repeated again and again.

What is not reported is that the Bush administration, with criminal calculation and planning, consciously made the relief efforts far more difficult. The day before Cyclone Nargis actually hit Myanmar, but when the approach of the monster storm had already being announced and tracked for a week, President George W. Bush signed a harsh new level of economic sanctions on Myanmar. Sanctions are an act of aggression, a form of economic warfare that specifically targets the poorest and most desperate.

Sanctions imposed as cyclone hit

With all its spy satellites, Washington was far more aware than the people of Myanmar of what was coming. The sanctions made direct US and international donations of emergency funds and aid almost impossible. Xinhua News on May 2 reported that Bush’s executive order was worded to "block all property and interests in property of designated individuals and entities determined to be owned or controlled by the government of Burma (Myanmar)."

This criminal executive order decreeing expanded sanctions was followed within days by expressions of deep concern for the devastated population. The cynicism and hypocrisy could not be greater.

The new sanctions prevent US humanitarian organisations and individuals from donating money directly to causes within impoverished Myanmar. US aid organisations, such as the American Red Cross, found they could provide only supplies – not personnel or money – to the relief effort under the sanctions rules. While the US corporate media have carried hundreds of reports arrogantly lecturing Myanmar on what is not being done, they are not even mentioning the impact of the new US sanctions that were imposed as the storm barrelled toward the country.

Based on weather satellite monitoring, many scientists had tracked the storm as it gained momentum. Nearly a week before it struck land, the Indian Meteorology Department was releasing detailed warnings of route, speed and locations. The Myanmar government, while it received text messages of warning from India starting on April 26, and announced storm warnings on state radio, does not have coastal radars to detect a cyclone’s path, nor did this impoverished country have an evacuation plan.

The US government has been insisting that the Pentagon be given the right to deliver assistance with its own personnel and equipment. Evidently, this rich imperialist country has no other way to deliver humanitarian relief except at the end of a bayonet.

Many other countries, however, have found non-military ways to provide immediate assistance. The Myanmar state radio has reported that international humanitarian aid has poured in from China, India, Japan, Singapore, Italy, Bangladesh, Laos and Thailand. Arriving at the Yangon International Airport with their respective aircraft were tents, mosquito nets, power generators, medicines, water purifiers, dry potato and pork, instant noodles, biscuits, cloth, zinc sheets, hammers and nails, and candles.

The US government expresses outrage that Myanmar, while it accepts aid, will not allow foreign personnel to oversee its distribution. The government-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar on May 9 explained why this is so: "The Pentagon is desperate to station their military bases in our country."

This is not wild paranoia on the part of the military junta that rules Myanmar. The Pentagon has hardly hidden its interest in overthrowing the regime. This comes as pressure is put on the country to open up and allow the leasing of US bases and US corporate access to Myanmar’s vast nationalised oil and gas deposits.

Here’s how Shawn W. Crispin put it in an article entitled "The case for invading Myanmar."

"With United States warships and air force planes at the ready, and over 1 million of Myanmar’s citizens left bedraggled, homeless and susceptible to water-borne diseases by Cyclone Nargis, the natural disaster presents an opportunity in crisis for the US.

"A unilateral – and potentially United Nations-approved – US military intervention in the name of humanitarianism could easily turn the tide against the impoverished country’s unpopular military leaders, and simultaneously rehabilitate the legacy of lame-duck US President George W. Bush’s controversial pre-emptive military policies.

"US Air Force and naval vessels, including the US C-130 military aircraft now in neighbouring Thailand, and the USS Kitty Hawk and USS Nimitz naval warships, are currently on standby in nearby waters. ... Policymakers in Washington are now no doubt weighing the potential pros and cons of a pre-emptive humanitarian mission in a geo-strategically pivotal and suddenly weakened country." (Asia Times 0nline, May 10)

Shock doctrine

Many countries even in the midst of a disaster fear US and Western assistance because it so often comes with strings attached, including onerous debt conditions and demands to reorganise their economy and privatise nationally owned resources.

Naomi Klein’s book, "The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism," describes in great detail how US aid, the IMF and World Bank are used to take advantage of a country in shock, even when it is faced with a devastated infrastructure from a natural calamity of a hurricane, tsunami, drought or flood. Such crises are seen as an opportunity to push through unpopular economic "shock therapy" such as selling state assets and privatising resources. It’s therapy, all right – for the international bankers, not the affected countries.

US record in New Orleans and Iraq

Missing from all the corporate media’s lecturing on what Myanmar should and could do is any mention of the US ruling class’s own disastrous record in emergency planning, evacuation and relief during and after Hurricanes Katrina and Rita hit New Orleans and the Gulf Coast.

The whole world watched the criminal neglect, racism, lack of planning and total confusion as floods and broken levees drowned the city of New Orleans on Aug. 28, 2005.

This was followed by an arrogant refusal to accept assistance from organisations and individuals seeking to volunteer and an outrageous rejection of international aid. Offers of help from Cuba and Venezuela, which had fully provisioned teams of doctors on standby and offered tons of food, water and a million barrels of extra petroleum, were refused. Even French aircraft and a hospital ship standing ready in the Caribbean, along with German and Russian help, were put on hold.

International camera crews flew overhead filming desperate people clinging to rooftops. More than 20,000 people without potable water, food or sanitation packed into the Superdome and tens of thousands of others spent days at the Convention Centre in blistering heat. Emergency crews from around the US were prevented from reaching New Orleans.

Air Force helicopters at a base close by were ordered grounded, although pilots volunteered and pleaded to use them to evacuate people. FEMA and Homeland Security actually blocked aid and volunteers, according to many media reports. Truckloads of water and tons of material sent from around the country were never released.

Two and a half years later, tens of thousands of evacuees are still not able to return to their homes.

Pentagon in Iraq and Somalia

The Pentagon’s record in Iraq is far worse. More than five years after smashing their way into an Iraq crippled and weakened by sanctions, the US military has proved unable to provide the most basic human survival needs of potable water, basic nutrition, electricity, emergency health care or education.

If more than 160,000 US troops, 100,000 private contractors and the largest collection of military equipment on the planet won’t provide reliable electricity or potable water in Baghdad, should anyone expect they would do better in Yangon?

Using the excuse of a humanitarian mission in famine-stricken Somalia, the US pushed through a UN resolution allowing Marines to occupy the capital of Mogadishu in December 1992. The outraged population drove the Marines out by the following year. The Pentagon had totally miscalculated the popular anti-imperialist sentiment, even among a desperate population.

In Myanmar, mass opposition to British and then US domination is a strong current in the population. Any intervention could meet with stiff resistance, despite the suffering caused by the cyclone.

In all the US media attacks on the government of Myanmar as a dictatorship, it is important to remember that the Pentagon has propped up, armed and financed brutal military dictatorships around the world–from Saudi Arabia and Indonesia to Pakistan, Chile and Congo. Their opposition to the dictatorship in Myanmar is not due to its repressive measures but that it has not undone the nationalisation of the natural resources forced through by anti-colonial mass sentiment decades ago. This is what US corporations are determined to reverse.

The anti-war and progressive movement should be wary of the reactionary media campaign around Myanmar. The people there have a right to immediate international assistance free of US demands or sanctions.