British and US Governments Remain Enemies of Rights of Palestinian People

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British and US Governments Remain Enemies of Rights of Palestinian People

Protests over British Embassy Link to Jewish Settlement-Builder

Open Letter to President Mahmoud Abbas

The Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, made a speech at a special session of the UN Security Council on the Middle East last week, in which he declared that chief requirement for progress in what he called the “peace process” was “the necessity of strong US leadership”.

            The main aim of Miliband’s speech, which was made as the Quartet – the UN, US, EU and Russia – were again meeting to discuss the situation in the Middle East, was to attempt to drum up support for what is referred to as the Annapolis process, that is the latest in a long series of plans backed by the US, Britain and the other big powers which they claim are designed to bring peace in the Middle East and provide a solution to the problem of Palestine.

            The negotiations that took place at Annapolis in November 2007 between the Zionist government of Israel and representatives of the Palestinian Authority were based around the so-called two-state solution and require that a Palestinian state as well as Israel should exist side by side in Palestine. The Annapolis conference, which was brokered and backed by the Quartet, required both parties to take steps to move toward this arrangement. In particular, the Palestinian Authority was required to curb the Palestinians’ struggle for self-determination and their national rights, while the Zionist regime was required to improve the humanitarian situation for Palestinians and prevent additional Zionist settlements on Palestinian land.

            To make sure that the Palestinian Authority acted in accordance with the wishes of the big powers, they were compelled to operate both under the direction of the big powers and under continual threat from Israel. Indeed as, David Miliband pointed out, the British government has been working closely with the Palestinian Authority to train and groom its security forces and has had a large say in how its economy has developed. The Zionist regime in Israel on the other hand has been given free reign, as in the past. It has continued to be backed militarily by the US government, which has always used Israel as a cat’s paw in the region. It has recently been announced that the US is selling Israel F-22 stealth bombers and 1,000 so-called smart bombs that can penetrate reinforced concrete. The US government also announced that it had supplied Israel with an advanced radar system that will be run by US military personnel. The Zionists have been encouraged to issue threats and actively prepare for war against Iran and other countries in the region. At the same time, the illegal Zionist settlements have continued despite agreement at Annapolis that they would not.

            The comments of the Foreign Secretary were in support of an entirely discredited process and of the role of the US, which as history has demonstrated is the most vicious and determined enemy of the Palestinians and the main backer of the Zionist regime. Only a few days before his speech, 21 NGOs released The Middle East Quartet: A Progress Report, which severely criticised the Quartet for not doing more for the Palestinians, failing to lift the Israeli blockade on Gaza and failing to prevent the accelerated building of more illegal settlements on occupied land. The Report concluded that the Annapolis process and the Quartet’s role had largely been a failure and that a new process was required but in essence it highlighted the fact that the Zionist regime had been allowed to continue its activities with impunity.  

            David Miliband did condemn Israel for its continual illegal activity and sabre rattling towards its neighbours, but in doing so lent his support to the US, its main backer and to a process which is clearly designed to continue to deny the Palestinians their national rights. At the same time, he used the opportunity to launch an attack against those who are the targets of Israel’s aggression, including Iran and the patriotic forces in Palestine and Lebanon.

            It was British governments in the past that created the tragedy in the Middle East and deprived the Palestinians of their homeland and national rights. Miliband’s speech at the UN, as well as the actions of the Labour government in the Middle East, show that the government remains an enemy of the Palestinian people, their right to self-determination and to the Palestinians’ just resistance to all attempts to extinguish their right to be.

The British embassy has been in negotiations to lease three floors in Kirya Tower from Africa Israel Investments, a company controlled by Lev Leviev, a London-based property and diamonds billionaire with substantial business interests in Israel, writes Donald Macintyre from Jerusalem in the Independent Online on September 20.

            The report says that pro-Palestinian organisations are urging the Foreign Office to cancel the plans, arguing that one of the company's subsidiaries is prominent in settlement building and that Mr Leviev is a big contributor to the Land Redemption fund, which acquires Palestinian land for Jewish settlements.

            Daniel Machover, of the British-based Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights, says in a letter to The Independent that renting space from Mr Leviev is "tantamount to HM Government condoning Israel's settlement building, supporting clear violations of international law, which in some cases [amounts] to grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and hindering the possibility of peace in the Middle East". Most Western governments – including Britain's – regard settlements as illegal under international law.

            Mr Machover points out that Gordon Brown strongly criticised continued settlement expansion on his visit to the Middle East this year. And he says that the advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice in 2004 reminded third party states that they "are also under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction".

            Danya Cebus, a construction subsidiary of Africa Israel, has been accused by human rights activists of building homes in a number of West Bank settlements including the ultra-Orthodox settlement Modiin Illit, close to the Palestinian village of Bil'in.

            In June, the United Nations Children's Fund, UNICEF, announced, in response to lobbying by the United States-based Arab rights group Adalah NY, that it would no longer enter into partnerships or accept contributions from Mr Leviev because of his suspected involvement in settlement building. Mr Leviev had been a contributor to UNICEF as well as a sponsor for at least one fund-raising event.

            The embassy is understood to be looking into the allegations that Mr Leviev is also a contributor to the National Redemption Fund, which has been criticised for the some of the methods it uses to purchase land in the West Bank.

            The embassy's plans came to light when the Israeli business newspaper Globes reported that the British embassy was intending to move from its valuable decades-old premises in the city's coastal Hayarkon Street to rent space in the 42-storey tower, more than half of which is occupied by Israeli government offices.

            Globes says the annual cost of renting the 6,000 square metres of office space in the building, which has a helipad on the roof, would be $162,000 a year, or around £89,000.

            Earlier this year the Tory MP Crispin Blunt protested after it emerged that as a result of an internal mix-up three members of the Yesha Council, the umbrella organisation representing West Bank settlers, had been invited to the annual Queen's Birthday Party given by the embassy.

            The Foreign Office minister Kim Howells subsequently said the settlers' presence was "not helpful" and pledged that no further such invitations would be issued.

            The British embassy said yesterday that an "internal process" was looking at a "number of options" for relocating, but that no decisions had been taken. It added: "The Government has made its position on settlements very clear; we believe that settlements contravene international law and are a significant impediment to progress on the peace process. Should we decide to relocate the embassy, we will make clear the intended location once a decision has been reached."

The following letter was presented to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s office on behalf of 78 Palestinian organisations on Wednesday, September 22, 2008.

           

To: President Mahmoud Abbas
Chair of the Palestine Liberation Organisation Executive Committee
President of the Palestinian National Authority

CC:
League of Arab States
Non-Aligned Movement
Organisation of the Islamic Conference

Re: The Rights of Palestinian Refugees and the Final Status Negotiations

Dear Mr. President,

Greetings of Return

            We, the undersigned Palestinian refugee organisations, civil society movements and institutions in the Palestinian homeland and in exile are national organisations working to defend the right of return. We appeal to you now because we are convinced that the alignment of the official Palestinian position and the position of the Palestinian people with regards to the final status negotiation issues is of the highest priority. Foremost among these issues is the cause of the Palestinian refugees.

            We are convinced that the alignment of popular and official positions is the main guarantee of a strong Palestinian position in the current negotiation process, which is taking place in a local, regional and global context that jeopardises the national rights of the Palestinian people. In this context, we are concerned in particular about the rights of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to return to their original lands and properties, restitution of their homes, lands and properties and compensation for damages incurred over the past 60 years. Based on the fact that all of these rights are guaranteed under international law, and based on our awareness of the enormous pressures faced by Palestinian negotiators and the tactics of negotiations, such as secrecy with regards to the negotiation proceedings, we call upon you to adopt a negotiation strategy that is based on openness with the entirety of the Palestinian people – irrespective of their current place of residence – regarding all aspects and details of the negotiation process. Implementation of the Palestinian refugees’ right of return was and continues to be the main purpose for which the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) was established, a purpose which forms the central pillar of the PLO’s legitimacy as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Transparency and candidness of our representatives with all sectors of our society will guarantee that our rights are best defended, and strengthen our position in the face of enormous pressures.

            It has been clear at all stages of the negotiations that this process aims to eliminate the core issue of the Arab/Palestinian struggle for freedom and justice: the Palestinian refugees and their rights of return and restitution. In fact, elimination of these central Palestinian/Arab demands form the centre-piece of both Israeli and US policies. It is also no secret that during the so-called “Oslo Peace Process” these policies have employed insidious tactics in order to nullify these rights altogether. Such tactics include attempts to substitute the return and restitution of the refugees with monetary compensation; to reduce the number of those entitled to exercise these rights from over 7 million Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to a tiny minority, including so-called “hardship cases” that would be arbitrarily defined by Israel; to suggest that the refugees return to homes located in the areas administered by the Palestinian Authority; and other humiliating “trade offs” whereby Palestinians are expected to surrender the right of refugees to return to homes, lands and properties of origin in exchange for other rights and demands, such as self-determination, borders, the reclamation of Jerusalem and removal of the illegal settlement-colonies. The Palestinian leadership has rejected such degrading bargaining tactics in previous negotiations, notably those known as the second Camp David summit and the Clinton initiative. The late President Yasser Arafat rejected these tactics, and he was made to pay for that with his liberty and his life.

Whereas the rights of return, restitution and compensation are enshrined in international law and specifically affirmed in UN General Assembly Resolution 194 and UN Security Council Resolution 237;

Whereas we see that increasing US pressure aims to force Palestinian negotiators to agree to an obscure framework for a solution that is to be achieved by any means and at the soonest date, and that such a framework is largely for internal US consumption in the context of a US Presidential election;

Whereas it has become clear that the US administration is working on other fronts to market its obscure framework for a solution in the September 2008 session of the UN General Assembly;

Whereas we realise, as a result of our movement’s long and difficult experience with Israeli politics, that Israeli political actors seek to solve the internal Israeli political crisis by venting destruction on the Palestinian front through various policies and practices, all of which work to entrench Israeli occupation, colonialism, and apartheid, and aim to attain international recognition of Israel as a ‘Jewish State;’

Whereas Western and Israeli election platforms must not be employed to put pressure on the Palestinian negotiators, who should in no way be a party to the political manoeuvres of US and Israeli political candidates, particularly in order to protect the legality, legitimacy, and sanctity of Palestinian national rights regardless of who emerges victorious in foreign elections;

Whereas we perceive the retreat of the once principled European position, and the transformation of this position into one that conforms to the US policy of total complicity and support for Israel;
Whereas we clearly see the weakness and inability of the Arab countries to take action or play any effective role;

Whereas we witness the sharp, painful and unprecedented deterioration in the internal Palestinian political arena;

Whereas it has become plain and obvious that powerful external pressures aim to annul Palestinian refugee rights, particularly the right to return to their original lands and properties and the restitution of these lands and properties;
Whereas Israel and the US, according to Israeli officials, are intensifying their efforts to reach a framework for a solution that is acceptable to both Israel and the US and will be viable regardless of the ruling party;

Whereas the primary measure of the legitimacy of any solution remains the extent to which it will lead to the exercise of the right of self-determination by the Palestinian people, including foremost the right of Palestinian refugees to choose to return to their original homes and lands regardless of their current place of refuge,

We approach you with this statement based on our strong desire to chart a way forward that is built on the highest levels of clarity and candidness with the Palestinian people; a way forward that aims to strengthen the Palestinian position in this sensitive stage of the Palestinian struggle; a way forward that ensures that any framework for a solution will include the following principles in clear and immutable language:

            The rights of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to return, restitution and compensation are fundamental rights under international law and relevant UN resolutions – particularly UN General Assembly Resolution 194 and UN Security Council Resolution 237. The content of these rights is non-negotiable irrespective of the manner in which they will be exercised;

            The right of return is an individual right held by every Palestinian refugee and internally displaced person. This right is passed on from one generation to the next, based on the individual’s choice on whether or not to return, an inalienable and indivisible right, and not affected by any bilateral, multilateral, or international treaty or agreement. Any such agreement must respect the fundamental precepts and principles of international law;

            The right of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to return is a collective right that is not limited to one group or another, and it is an integral part of the Palestinian right of self-determination;

            The right of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to return is not subject to referendum.

            May you remain steadfast in our struggle for freedom and dignity

            Drafted: August 2008

Signed:

194 Association (Syria)
Abassiya Association (Palestine)
Abnaa Al-Balad Centre for the Defence of the Right of Return (Syria)
Aidun Group (Lebanon)
Aidun Group (Syria)
Al-Awda Palestine Network (Holland)
Al-Awda, Palestine Right to Return Coalition (North America)
Arab Cultural Forum (Gaza, Palestine)
Arab Liberation Front
Arab Palestinian Front
Association for the Defence of the Rights of the Internally Displaced (Palestine)
Badil Resource Centre for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights (Palestine)
Beit Nabala Association (Palestine)
Bisan Association (Syria)
Coalition of Right of Return Defence Committees (Jordan)
Coalition of Right of Return Defence Committees (Jordan)
Committee for the Rights of Palestinian Women (Syria)
Confederation of Right of Return Committees (Europe: Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, Greece, Germany, France, Holland, Poland, Finland)
Coordinating Committee of Palestinian Organisations Working in Lebanon (Lebanon)
Council of National and Islamic Forces in Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Democratic Palestine Committee
Depopulated Towns and Villages Associations (Gaza, Palestine)
Farah Heritage Society (Syria)
Grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (Palestine)
Higher Follow-up Committee on Prisoners (Palestine)
Higher National Committee for the Defence of the Right of Return (Palestine)
Inevitable Return Assembly (Syria)
Islamic Jihad Movement
Islamic Resistance Movement [Hamas]
Istiqlal Youth Union (Lebanon)
Istiqlal Youth Union (Syria)
Ittijah: Union of Palestinian Non-Governmental Organisations (Palestine)
Jafra Youth Centre (Syria)
Jimzo Association (Palestine)
Lajee Centre, Aida Camp (Palestine)
National Assembly of Palestinian Civil Society Organisations (Palestine)
National Committee to Commemorate the Martyr Ahmad Al-Shuqairy (Jordan)
National Nakba Commemoration Committee (Palestine)
Palestine Democratic Union [Fida]
Palestine House Educational and Cultural Centre (Canada)
Palestine Liberation Movement [Fatah]
Palestine Remembered (USA)
Palestine Right of Return Coalition (Global)
Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (Palestine)
Palestinian Civil Society Coordinating Committee in Palestine and Abroad (Global)
Palestinian Liberation Front
Palestinian National Democratic Movement (Palestine)
Palestinian National Initiative
Palestinian People’s Party
Palestinian Popular Struggle Front
Palestinian Refugee Rights Defence Committee (Balata Camp, Palestine)
Palestinian University Professors Union (Gaza, Palestine)
Palestinian Women’s Grassroots Organisation (Syria)
Palestinian Youth Democratic Union (Syria)
Palestinian Youth Organisation (Syria)
Palestinian Youth Struggle Union (Syria Branch)
People’s Assembly of the Towns and Villages Depopulated in 1948 (Palestine)
Platform of Associations in Solidarity with Palestine (Switzerland)
Popular Committees to Defend the Right of Return (Gaza, Palestine)
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command
Refugee and Right of Return Committee (Syria)
Refugee Camp Popular Committees (West Bank & Gaza, Palestine)
Refugee Executive Office (Palestine)
Right of Return committee (Switzerland)
Ruwwad Cultural Centre (Aida Camp, Palestine)
Salameh Association (Palestine)
Secular Democratic State Group (Gaza, Palestine)
Union of Right of Return Committees (Syria)
Union of Women’s Activity Centres, West Bank Refugee Camps (Palestine)
Union of Youth Activity Centres, Refugee Camps (Palestine)
Vanguard for the Popular Liberation War [Sa'iqa]
Women’s Activity Centres (Gaza, Palestine)
Yaffa Charitable Fund (Jordan)
Yaffa Cultural Centre (Balata Camp, Palestine)
Youth Assembly (Gaza, Palestine)
Youth Struggle Union (Lebanon)